The issue with Eurocentrism among Malaysian Liberals
Recognizing that Malaysia is not a monolith is crucial to understanding the character and scope of Eurocentrism among Malaysian liberals.
There are indeed many things to admire about our colonial heritage — the infrastructure we inherited after independence; the education system that gave us a strong foundation in science and technology; and even the institutions that govern our lives. But there is no doubt that these achievements owe a great deal to the contributions made by foreigners who came here as settlers, traders, soldiers, missionaries, and administrators. European Enlightenment thinkers laid the intellectual foundations for the formation of modern societies. Their writings shaped the thinking of generations of politicians and bureaucrats. And they continue to shape our views on matters ranging from human rights to the structure of government itself.
Yet, despite having benefited enormously from the fruits of Western civilization, many Malaysians have become deeply suspicious about what is coming out of the West. They fear that anything imported will contaminate our own cultures and undermine the values we hold dear. To them, any attempt to impose western norms would inevitably result in cultural degradation and moral decadence. And reasonably so, since every society has its own unique history, culture, and set of beliefs. These differences make it difficult, if not impossible, for outsiders to fully understand how people live their daily lives in different parts of the world. So, rather than trying to learn more about each other, we tend to see ourselves as fundamentally opposed. We regard the other side as ignorant barbarians who don’t know better because they haven’t been exposed to our superior civilisation.
Unfortunately, this tendency to dismiss everything foreign leads to a kind of arrogance that can easily degenerate into chauvinism and a sense of superiority over those outside the “in” crowd. Many believe that they alone possess the correct understanding of the world and should therefore dominate others through force and violence. That is why the idea of creating a liberal nation based on the English model has found little support among ordinary Malaysians.
A few decades ago, the concept of a liberal nation might well have appealed to many Malaysians. After all, it is widely accepted that liberalism represents the best possible form of governance for a free country. However, recent events suggest that the very existence of a liberal nation may now be threatened by a rising tide of conservatism. Ethnic nationalism and conservative religious fundamentalists seem bent on undermining democracy and civil liberties while promoting intolerance and hatred against anyone who does not share their narrow vision of reality. As a consequence, many Malaysians are beginning to wonder whether the values enshrined in our constitution really represent the interests of everyone living in Malaysia or just the elite.
In light of these developments, my hope in writing this essay is simply to point out the dangers inherent in blindly adopting foreign concepts without critically examining their underlying assumptions. My intention isn’t to defend the status quo or justify existing power structures. Instead, I wish to encourage a discussion about the kind of society we want to build together in the future.
I shall begin by pointing out the need to formulate a grassroot philosophy that speaks directly to the hearts and minds of ordinary citizens; a system that Malaysians can relate to emotionally as much as intellectually; a system that addresses our deepest aspirations and concerns as individuals and as a community.
Such a system must address three major issues:
1) How do we ensure justice and equality for all?
2) What kind of society do we envision for ourselves and for our children and grandchildren?
3) Who should decide what’s right and wrong for us as a nation?
For us to integrate tradition and modernity effectively, we require a new national narrative that articulates a shared vision of where we’re headed. Our current narrative seems unable to articulate a compelling answer to any of these questions. At best, it offers platitudes that lack substance and clarity. More often than not, however, the rhetoric used sounds hollow, evoking nothing more than empty slogans. Such vacuousness leaves Malaysians feeling disempowered, powerless and hopelessly lost. Worse still, the absence of clear answers makes us vulnerable to manipulation by demagogues peddling simplistic solutions to complex problems.
Take Ketuanan Melayu as an example. This term has become a buzzword in the public discourse of late, yet no one appears able to define exactly what it means. Some insist that it refers specifically to the Malay language, whereas others claim that the word applies equally well to Malay culture and heritage. Others assert that it signifies the preservation of traditional practices, whilst some maintain that the meaning goes far deeper, implying a desire to return to the roots of Islam.
Whichever definition you choose, the fact remains that the debate around Ketuanan Melayu has been hijacked by politicians seeking votes, and it is an exclusivist agenda rather than a unifying principle. Its proponents appear oblivious to the damage they inflict when using the phrase in reference to the Malays. They fail to appreciate the extent to which the idea of sovereignty implies a form of racial supremacy. As a result, the very same people who clamour for “unity” through exclusionary tactics end up undermining unity itself.
We cannot afford to repeat the mistakes made in the past when we failed to anticipate the rise of divisive ideologies. We must learn from history if we are to avoid repeating old errors and forge ahead boldly into the future. That is why I believe we urgently need to develop a new national narrative that will serve as the basis for defining and building the nation. This can only happen once we overcome our fixation with foreign models and start thinking locally in regards to everything that matters to us — economics, education, governance, and so forth.
To begin with, we must reconcile traditional values with those of contemporary times. In doing this, we must acknowledge the reality of the present day while remaining faithful to the ideals of the past. This requires us to understand that there exists a delicate balance between progress and preservation. If we want to preserve our cultural heritage without compromising on the quality of life enjoyed by everyone here, then it would behove us to embrace technology and innovation. To put it another way, we must recognise that there is no contradiction between preserving our traditions and embracing modernity; these are two concepts that go hand in glove.
As an illustration of this point, let me use the concept of Malaysian food as an example. When we think of traditional dishes, the likes of nasi lemak immediately spring to mind. But imagine if every dish served in a restaurant was prepared according to the exact same recipe and ingredients used by the cook preparing your meal! How boring and bland would that taste? Therein lies the beauty and essence of tradition. It allows each generation to add their own touch and flair to make their version unique and special. And much like our policies in regard to trade, the best recipes should be shared with the rest of the world, thereby creating greater prosperity for all.
I am aware that the above examples do not apply across the board. Indeed, some things are better left untouched. However, my aim here is simply to illustrate that there exist certain exceptions where it makes perfect sense to adopt foreign methods and incorporate them into our lives. This is especially true in instances where these innovations benefit everyone involved.
Our concept of liberty must therefore remain rooted in our Malaysian sensibilities. After all, what could possibly be more liberating than knowing exactly who you are and being able to express yourself freely without fear or favour? Our country was built on strong foundations, but now we must build on top of them to ensure that we continue to prosper. At the heart of any great nation stands a healthy respect for tradition, tempered by progressive reforms that allow for constant improvement and advancement.
It is precisely because of our conservative nature that we must resist the temptation of falling victim to Eurocentric tendencies and adopting a model that does not suit our needs. Let us take a moment to reflect upon the historical events of the last few decades and consider the implications of adopting foreign philosophies. The Arab Spring, the Occupy Wall Street movement, the uprisings in Ukraine, and even the recent protests in Hong Kong have proven conclusively that Western models of governance and societal organisation are far removed from ours.
If anything, we ought to be wary of foreign models, lest they undermine the very fabric that binds us together as a people and as a nation. We can never afford to forget that Malaysian communal harmony is dependent upon the strength of our national unity — something that cannot be achieved through superficial gestures or empty rhetoric alone. Instead, we must strive to instil a sense of patriotism amongst ourselves and teach future generations to cherish their identity as Malaysians above everything else.
Therefore, I propose the following measures:
1) That we look through the prism of local history rather than blindly following the footsteps of those who came before us. If we want to understand our present predicament, we must begin by understanding our past mistakes so that we know how to avoid making them again.
2) Formulate a historical analysis of the current situation in Malaysia that takes into account the perspectives of different ethnic groups. Only once we recognise our diversity will we be capable of working toward building a united front against external threats.
3) Adopt a materialist approach to nationalism whereby we focus primarily on tangible results in the form of concrete achievements. Nationalism should no longer be defined solely in terms of abstract concepts such as “unity” and “patriotism”, nor in terms of ideals such as “human dignity”. Rather, our nationalism ought to be grounded in hard facts, such as the number of students passing examinations or the amount of revenue generated by public utilities. By shifting away from idealistic notions, we can make progress in tackling real issues affecting the welfare of ordinary citizens.
4) Adapt capital and labour markets to the realities of modern-day Malaysia. A national economy that remains stagnant while global economies thrive is bound to fail eventually. Thus, we must learn to adapt quickly to new market trends and implement innovative solutions if we hope to compete internationally. Adoption of new economic practises such as digital currencies could help promote greater financial inclusion across the board, thereby reducing income inequality. Similarly, labour laws must be amended to ensure fair treatment of workers without compromising employment opportunities for locals.
5) Finally, let us adopt a pragmatic attitude toward secularism. Secularism means little unless it serves a practical purpose, particularly where religion is concerned. As long as religious institutions remain relevant to the lives of ordinary Malaysians, it would be foolish for us to disregard their importance. After all, what good is secularism if Malaysians are unable to practise their faith freely? Conversely, why bother pursuing the separation of church and state when the sentiment behind it does not reflect the views and values of most Malaysians? Our efforts should therefore be focused on fostering mutual respect and tolerance between adherents of different faiths and promoting the concept of moderation in Islam.
These are the five key areas that I believe we must address if we wish to achieve true independence and prosperity. Let me reiterate that these suggestions do not constitute any kind of manifesto or official policy statement. They represent my own personal opinions and observations after having almost three decades living and breathing the Malaysian political scene. Nonetheless, I am confident that they contain kernels of truth that resonate with the sentiments of millions of Malaysians throughout the country.
Yet, despite our differences in opinion, I firmly believe that we share a common goal — namely, the desire to see Malaysia rise above her current circumstances. We just differ in how best to achieve this objective.
